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Sunday, 14 June 2026

The Filton Four were sentenced for different charges than those they were convicted of

 Upon giving evidence in a court of law in the UK (and including Scotland, whose law is slightly different), you are compelled to solemnly swear (upon your Holy Book if you're religious, but also just in general) that the evidence you give will be 'the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth'.

This is such a famous oath that it is known verbatim the world over, and has been repeated in countless media shows. At the time I started this blog in 2010, I was an AS-level law student, and I attended criminal cases myself at Bristol Crown Court and heard that oath uttered in person. I heard it again in 2015 as a Creative Performance undergraduate at Ipswich Crown Court, when as research for a piece of theatre I was involved in devising I attended several days of the trial of Eric de Smith, a retired headteacher who was ultimately jailed for sexually abusing several boys in his care. I was an absolutely terrible law student and I gave it up very quickly in favour of something I was a lot better at, but I have always found the law, and legal cases, absolutely fascinating and compelling.

One thing that I remember being one of the first things I learned when I became a law student is that every single legal case changes the law in some way. Another is that it's impossible for the law to be 100% fair. This is a hard truth you have to acknowledge if you take an interest in this kind of thing, because human beings are complex, there is very often context to what someone does outside of purely what their actions were, and legal cases rely very much on precedent. However, we can use our increasing development as human beings to make it as fair as it possibly can be, and we should. Thankfully, there have been many amazing people working on this throughout history, and there still are today.

It's really important that there continue to be amazing people working on it, because Friday 12 June marked an incredibly concerning moment in UK legal history. For the first time ever, a group of four defendants were convicted by a jury of one charge and sentenced by a judge for a different one. The group - Charlotte Head, Samuel Corner, Leona Kamio and Fatema Rajwani - were convicted by a jury of criminal damage after they entered the weapons factory Elbit Systems and damaged some property which was intended to be used as part of Israel's ongoing genocide against the Palestinian people. We could debate at length whether a charge of criminal damage in this case is appropriate (these defendants had all previously been charged with, and subsequently found not guilty of, other charges, such as aggravated burglary and violent disorder). But subsequently to being found guilty of criminal damage, the judge in this case, Jeremy Johnson, added additional charges to the sentence so that the four could be found guilty of terrorism offences. Throughout the trial, that this was the judge's intention was explicitly kept from the jury during their deliberations, as was any means of being able to explain to the jury the reasons for their actions. Irrespective of what anyone thinks of what these protesters actually did, I think we should be able to agree that this is not in line with telling 'the whole truth', an essential part of the sworn testimony. It also cannot be considered a fair trial to extrapolate a jury's findings onto separate charges the jury was not made aware of. This could not be considered an appropriate use of the court's functions for any trial or any charge.

The terrorism charge means that each of them will serve more jail time than their actions otherwise would normally warrant (not including the jail time they've already served whilst awaiting trial, which is already a lot more than it's supposed to be). In addition, the terrorism charge will continue to stay with them upon release, which can significantly hinder their ability to gain paid employment and various other everyday necessities. I should reiterate, this is the outcome for a charge of criminal damage - something that has never warranted this kind of punishment before. One refrain that I've heard repeated quite a lot by people in social media comment threads is 'But they injured a police officer!', so I need to put this to bed. One of them did injure a police officer. That person was found by the jury guilty of GBH without intent - i.e. that he did not intend to cause the officer such a serious injury, as opposed to 'with intent', which is what the prosecution had charged him with. The sentencing guidelines for GBH without intent still do not resemble what he was actually sentenced for. The other three defendants were not involved in that incident at all, so it is irrelevant to their cases.

It's clear to me that the intent of this obscenely inappropriate sentence is highly political. The Government (both the current Labour administration and the previous Tory one) has been attempting to interfere in activism court cases for a number of years now, with varying degrees of success. These particular defendants have been in and out of court on quite a few attempts to convict them of various different charges; juries have consistently either found them not guilty or found them guilty of lesser charges than those they were in court for. This is proving quite inconvenient for the Government, to the extent that they're talking about scrapping jury trials (they say this is to clear the backlog, but the backlog doesn't actually have anything to do with juries).

To me though, the thing that's most concerning about this is the idea that it may deter others from taking the same sort of direct action. This kind of action should be taken. It saves lives. The weapons these individuals destroyed are weapons that would otherwise have been used to kill and maim innocent people, including children. They now will not be. There's countless petitions and vigils and marches and all sorts of other things that Governments do their utmost not to listen to, but damaging the equipment produces immediate results. I appreciate that not everyone feels comfortable doing that kind of thing. I appreciate that not everyone is able to put themselves in a position where they may be charged with a crime, particularly not if they may be charged as a terrorist (I think I'd have serious reservations about it myself). But the fact remains that I do think these kinds of things need doing, and I have the utmost respect for anyone who is prepared to do them. I have been absolutely in awe of some of the statements these activists have made (seriously, look them up if you haven't seen them). Ultimately, what they did saved innocent lives, which unfortunately in today's world is something that is considered more of a crime than the continual racial hate crimes, arson attacks and pogroms that have occurred in the UK over the last few weeks. This particular judge, Jeremy Johnson, released Tommy Robinson early from prison a few years ago. Clearly, Robinson's behaviour is considered to be less of a threat to public life than the actions of some incredibly brave individuals who concretely have saved lives. I'm really hopeful that their sentencing will be overturned on appeal.

And if you support the sentencing in this case even slightly, I ask you: can you justify, in any way, sentencing someone for a charge other than that which they were found guilty of? If you believe these individuals were terrorists, why was this information kept from the jury? If you want to have a conversation about that we can have that conversation - otherwise, any argument you can make in favour of this is a straw man.





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Thursday, 4 June 2026

An open letter to Catherine Fookes MP regarding Early Day Motion 240

I wrote the following letter to my MP, Labour's Catherine Fookes.


Dear Catherine,

My name is George Harold Millman; I am a writer and social justice campaigner based in your constituency, and I write about politics under the blog name The Rebel Without A Clause. We have met a number of times, largely through my partner Owen's disability rights campaigns. I am writing to you concerning Early Day Motion 240, which has been put forward by your Labour colleague Nadia Whittome, and sponsored (amongst others) by your other Labour colleagues, Stella CreasyKate Osborne and Lorraine Beavers. The EDM proposes that the Draft Code of Practice for Services, public functions and associations, be disapproved.

As you probably know, the relevant code is highly contentious because it concerns access to public spaces, including gendered spaces, for transgender people. This is a subject that has become increasingly talked about in recent years. Your Labour colleague Samantha Niblett appeared on Politics Live this week to talk about compassion and respect for the trans community, and one thing she said that really stayed with me was that in 2017, there were only three organisations actively campaigning against trans rights. There are now 51 - for a group of people which makes up around half a percent of the UK population.

The new Code of Practice is both discriminatory and unenforceable. It states that gendered public services, such as toilets and changing rooms, must be used in accordance with biological sex rather than gender identity. One thing I need to make clear straight away is that 'biological sex' is not something that is all that quantifiable, because there are multiple different means of judging biology (chromosomes, hormones, genitalia, primary sex characteristics, secondary sex characteristics, and more besides) and they don't always fit into neat boxes. In fact, most of us don't know all of these things about ourselves. I am a cisgender man, in the sense I was assigned male at birth and have never doubted my gender identity, but I don't know if I produce XY chromosomes - as with most people, I've never had any reason to get my chromosomes tested and find out. We cannot quote an accurate figure as to how much of the population is intersex, because many people go through their whole lives without ever knowing this about themselves - all we can know is that it's likely to be far more than we're aware of. Although I'm not any kind of expert (and it certainly needs more research), it is my belief that being transgender is likely to be a form of being intersex - if you can be born with characteristics of more than one sex, it's not a great leap from there into being born seemingly with all the physical characteristics of one sex but to know inherently that you're the other. Being transgender is biological, and we cannot and should not use the phrase 'biological sex' to suggest that it isn't.

The Code of Practice does not make clear exactly what transgender people (who have been using spaces corresponding to their gender forever) should do in this situation and what facilities they should use. Transgender people, commonly fear-mongered about as potentially being perpetrators of sexual assault, are actually far more likely to be the victims of violent crime than the perpetrators. This is of course of particular concern for trans women, who if forced into male spaces are potentially putting themselves into an extremely dangerous place. The situation is even more confusing for trans men - technically, the new guidance says that they should use women's spaces, irrespective of how far through transition they are and how indistinguishable they are from a cisgender man (which also means a cisgender man could pretend to be a transgender man to gain access to women's spaces, the exact thing the guidance is supposedly to stop them doing). Unofficially, trans men have been advised not to do this - so what exactly is the advice? What are trans men meant to do in these situations? Trans men seem to have been mostly entirely ignored in the whole discussion, which only serves to highlight how flawed the discussion is and how it's focussed more on 'vibe' than on actual clear evidence and situational considerations.

The Code suggests that trans people should, ideally, use a third space. There are a very high number of problems with this. Firstly, not every facility has a third space, nor the resources to build one. Secondly, having a third space just for trans people would mean trans people would be forced to out themselves if they used it, which is discriminatory to any trans person who does not wish to be upfront about their trans status. Thirdly, it causes problems for disabled people - much of the time, a 'third space' will be the disabled facilities, which then increases demand for these facilities and means disabled people will have less access to them. Being trans is not a disability, and particularly as a disability rights campaigner, I have to make clear that we must not pit one vulnerable group against another. Fourthly, this is just immoral anyway, and bears some resemblance to apartheid South Africa. We must not have trans people in a separate moral category to cis people - doing that is completely at odds with a fair and just society.

Every year, the International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans and Intersex Association (ILGA) publishes the Rainbow Map - a map of all the countries in the world according to the quality of life for LGBTQ+ people living there. From being first in Europe in 2015, shortly after having legalised same-sex marriage, the UK is now 22nd out of 49 countries - just above halfway down. As someone in a same-sex relationship, I am dismayed to see us fall so far in such a short space of time. But looking just at the gender recognition category, we are doing even worse. In 2005, we were first in Europe, having just passed the Gender Recognition Act. Socially, public acceptance of trans people had been affirmed quite strongly by the victory of trans woman Nadia Almada on the TV programme Big Brother, which at the time was one of the most watched television programmes in the UK. From having given a trans woman a massive popularity boost 21 years ago and sent a strong message of acceptance to the trans community in the UK, we now place 43rd out of 49 on gender recognition. I think most people would struggle to name 42 European countries, let alone 42 European countries who are more accepting of their transgender communities than we are.

My opinion of your Parliamentary work since being elected in 2024 has, truthfully, been mixed. There have been some things I have approved of, and some I haven't. However, I have been generally quite optimistic about your position on trans rights. So far, I haven't seen anything from you on this that has given me cause for concern. I have been glad to see you speak up on behalf of the trans community in Monmouthshire in Parliament. Hence why I was hoping to see your name on Early Day Motion 240. At the time of writing, it has 75 signatories, 31 of whom are Labour MPs. I really hope to see your name on it before long. Together, we can defeat transphobia and stand up for an extremely vulnerable and increasingly marginalised community of people, a community that I know you have great compassion for.

Thank you for your attention,


Best wishes,

George Harold Millman


P.S. This is written as an open letter, so I will be publishing it on my blog, The Rebel Without A Clause. I will also publish any response I receive from you, if any.





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